_Czech Students Take to the Streets
_ A radical education reform bill helped trigger massive protests in spring 2012
By Nanci Tischler
Spring 2012 brought record-breaking protests that rocked the Education Ministry’s plan to reform higher education in the Czech Republic. While larger issues ranged from corruption to rising prices and budget cuts dictated by the European financial crisis, students’ main concerns lay in the proposed Education Reform Bill. To demonstrate their discontent, protests were held in what they called “Weeks of Unrest” that began in February and continued on into April.
The biggest demonstration was on Saturday, April 21. With an estimated 100,000 protesters flooding the streets, it was said to be the largest protest since the Velvet Revolution in 1989. Angry locals, students and even curious tourists filled iconic Wenceslas Square, where swarms of people joined ranks as gangs of police officers lined up at every corner.
Loudspeakers boomed out words of inspiration, horns blared and yells of approval competed with the already noisy street, as if a football game between rival teams was about to ensue. Banners, balloons and handwritten signs bobbed up and down with the rhythm of a tumultuous sea of protesters. The electric atmosphere bound the crowd into a common voice, despite their varying reasons for attendance.
Pamphlets, petitions and stickers were distributed at pitched tents. A student named Tomáš handed out leaflets titled “10 Points on How to Change Conditions in the Czech Republic.” Asked what he was protesting against, he smiled and responded, “I’m here because I am against socialism. We’re here to motivate the public to change the implementation of government interference in economics, education and state policy.”
Another student responded in a similar vein, saying, “We don’t like the [Education] Reform and how Parliament is based in corruption. We want change.”
The magnitude of the April 21 event was the culmination of months of unrest between the government and Czech citizens. While anti-government tensions have been brewing for years, the student-led protests that started in February brought the issues to a bubbling head. The EducationMinistry’s lack of a positive response and utter disregard for the students’ efforts kept the ball rolling further into upheaval.
Along with creating tuition fees, the Education Reform Bill that aroused student ire proposed replacing the AcademicSenate, which at present is elected by academia, with a Board of Directors, one-third of which would be appointed by Parliament. Traditionally, the Senate is the authority that governs academic affairs at universities across the country. Fearing that the new board would put business interests over education and strip universities of their academic freedom, students, teachers and administrators alike joined ranks to stand up for the autonomy of higher education.
“We are talking about a board whose members would be chosen by the Education Ministry, nominating candidates from the ranks of politicians and business people and only a certain number from academic circles,” Charles University Dean Michael Stelhik told Prague Radio. “Then, these in turn would be the ones to elect the president of the school?”
“It’s a threat to our academic liberty,” said Charles University student Honza Procházka. “Our concern is that if the bill becomes law, one-third of the Academic Senate will be appointed by the Ministry of Education – people who know nothing about education.”
Charles University students led the first protest, on February 29, when over 10,000 students gathered in front of the Ministry of Education offices. The initial “Week of Unrest” also included events on campus, with students and faculty coming together together to participate in workshops and lectures.
The ongoing debate between the Ministry of Education and the literal institutes of education began in late January, when Charles University faculty members met with the former Minister of Education Josef Dobeš. The faculty members formed a group entitled “Czech Rector’s Conference,” and sought a balance between the government’s influence and academic freedom.
Their meeting with the Minister ended without any assurance that the proposed reform legislation would be revised. Dobeš was backed by Prime Minister Petr Nečas, who criticized the rectors for stirring up social unrest while the bill was still being drafted.
While faculty members and students generally agree that reforms are needed in the higher education system, they don’t agree with how the bill will change the autonomy of Czech universities. It’s not simply autonomy being threatened, though. The fee increases will cost Czech students somewhere between 3,000 and 10,000 Kč a semester. (At present, international students are required to pay tuition fees but Czech students are not.)
The other part of the proposed reform threatens the very core of the higher education system in the Czech Republic. The bill would ultimately take the responsibility for key decisions out of the hands of the Academic Senate, and turn it over to the Education Ministry, where political and business interests hold sway.
“The ministry needs to remember that universities are not businesses,” said Charles University faculty member Hana Ulmanová. “Departments such as Egyptology, which are incredibly small, conduct excellent research but are not going to effect our economy directly, and therefore are seen as unworthy investments. The ministry is interested in making a short-term profit when education should always be seen in the long run. You can’t look at it in monetary values, but as societal values that you can’t necessarily measure tangibly.”
Beyond specific board members and financial decisions, both faculty and students are ultimately worried about who runs higher education in the Czech Republic, which has traditionally been controlled by academics.
“This is more a fight for autonomy,” Ulmanová admitted. “Lots of students accept the fact that there will be a tuition increase, and as a faculty member, I am for it.”
She went on to explain that Charles University is underfunded, lacking basic resources such as contemporary books and journals, and the funds to pay adequate teacher salaries. With the institution of tuition fees, many of these problems could potentially be remedied. However, as Ulmanová stressed, “Money would have to be used specifically at the university the students are attending, so they can see the improvements for themselves.”
The students feel the same. In an interview with Radio Prague, protest organizer and Charles University student Matouš Turek expressed the general concerns of the students. He explained that the essence of the protests is not about the implementation of tuition fees, but the fight for the autonomous structure that the universities are built on.
“If you look at Czech politics, it’s all a matter of lobbyists and behind-the-scenes influence, and these proposals would just institute this into the university system,” Turek said. “The universities are one of the last places where lobbying and political influence haven’t yet entered.”
Turek went on to criticize the government for poorly constructing reform bills that have an immense impact on the future of Czech citizens. Numerous attempts to contact the ministry for a response went unanswered.
Meanwhile, with pressure mounting from all sides, Josef Dobeš resigned as Minister of Education on March 22. Students and faculty interpreted Mr. Dobeš’s farewell as a victorious acknowledgment of their protests, but were left wondering how his replacement would handle the hostile situation that Dobeš helped create.
On May 2, President Václav Klaus announced the appointment of Dr. Petr Fiala as new Education Minister. The 47-year old political scientist is a former rector of Brno’s Masaryk University, and the news met with positive responses in both political and academic circles.
According to Czech Position, Fiala said that his immediate aim was to “stabilize the sector and create an environment in which there would be mutual trust among all participants working for change that the education system will undergo at all levels.”
But with the Education Ministry also plagued by budget cuts and allegations of mismanagement of EU funds, the question remains: Where will Dr. Fiala begin?
By Nanci Tischler
Spring 2012 brought record-breaking protests that rocked the Education Ministry’s plan to reform higher education in the Czech Republic. While larger issues ranged from corruption to rising prices and budget cuts dictated by the European financial crisis, students’ main concerns lay in the proposed Education Reform Bill. To demonstrate their discontent, protests were held in what they called “Weeks of Unrest” that began in February and continued on into April.
The biggest demonstration was on Saturday, April 21. With an estimated 100,000 protesters flooding the streets, it was said to be the largest protest since the Velvet Revolution in 1989. Angry locals, students and even curious tourists filled iconic Wenceslas Square, where swarms of people joined ranks as gangs of police officers lined up at every corner.
Loudspeakers boomed out words of inspiration, horns blared and yells of approval competed with the already noisy street, as if a football game between rival teams was about to ensue. Banners, balloons and handwritten signs bobbed up and down with the rhythm of a tumultuous sea of protesters. The electric atmosphere bound the crowd into a common voice, despite their varying reasons for attendance.
Pamphlets, petitions and stickers were distributed at pitched tents. A student named Tomáš handed out leaflets titled “10 Points on How to Change Conditions in the Czech Republic.” Asked what he was protesting against, he smiled and responded, “I’m here because I am against socialism. We’re here to motivate the public to change the implementation of government interference in economics, education and state policy.”
Another student responded in a similar vein, saying, “We don’t like the [Education] Reform and how Parliament is based in corruption. We want change.”
The magnitude of the April 21 event was the culmination of months of unrest between the government and Czech citizens. While anti-government tensions have been brewing for years, the student-led protests that started in February brought the issues to a bubbling head. The EducationMinistry’s lack of a positive response and utter disregard for the students’ efforts kept the ball rolling further into upheaval.
Along with creating tuition fees, the Education Reform Bill that aroused student ire proposed replacing the AcademicSenate, which at present is elected by academia, with a Board of Directors, one-third of which would be appointed by Parliament. Traditionally, the Senate is the authority that governs academic affairs at universities across the country. Fearing that the new board would put business interests over education and strip universities of their academic freedom, students, teachers and administrators alike joined ranks to stand up for the autonomy of higher education.
“We are talking about a board whose members would be chosen by the Education Ministry, nominating candidates from the ranks of politicians and business people and only a certain number from academic circles,” Charles University Dean Michael Stelhik told Prague Radio. “Then, these in turn would be the ones to elect the president of the school?”
“It’s a threat to our academic liberty,” said Charles University student Honza Procházka. “Our concern is that if the bill becomes law, one-third of the Academic Senate will be appointed by the Ministry of Education – people who know nothing about education.”
Charles University students led the first protest, on February 29, when over 10,000 students gathered in front of the Ministry of Education offices. The initial “Week of Unrest” also included events on campus, with students and faculty coming together together to participate in workshops and lectures.
The ongoing debate between the Ministry of Education and the literal institutes of education began in late January, when Charles University faculty members met with the former Minister of Education Josef Dobeš. The faculty members formed a group entitled “Czech Rector’s Conference,” and sought a balance between the government’s influence and academic freedom.
Their meeting with the Minister ended without any assurance that the proposed reform legislation would be revised. Dobeš was backed by Prime Minister Petr Nečas, who criticized the rectors for stirring up social unrest while the bill was still being drafted.
While faculty members and students generally agree that reforms are needed in the higher education system, they don’t agree with how the bill will change the autonomy of Czech universities. It’s not simply autonomy being threatened, though. The fee increases will cost Czech students somewhere between 3,000 and 10,000 Kč a semester. (At present, international students are required to pay tuition fees but Czech students are not.)
The other part of the proposed reform threatens the very core of the higher education system in the Czech Republic. The bill would ultimately take the responsibility for key decisions out of the hands of the Academic Senate, and turn it over to the Education Ministry, where political and business interests hold sway.
“The ministry needs to remember that universities are not businesses,” said Charles University faculty member Hana Ulmanová. “Departments such as Egyptology, which are incredibly small, conduct excellent research but are not going to effect our economy directly, and therefore are seen as unworthy investments. The ministry is interested in making a short-term profit when education should always be seen in the long run. You can’t look at it in monetary values, but as societal values that you can’t necessarily measure tangibly.”
Beyond specific board members and financial decisions, both faculty and students are ultimately worried about who runs higher education in the Czech Republic, which has traditionally been controlled by academics.
“This is more a fight for autonomy,” Ulmanová admitted. “Lots of students accept the fact that there will be a tuition increase, and as a faculty member, I am for it.”
She went on to explain that Charles University is underfunded, lacking basic resources such as contemporary books and journals, and the funds to pay adequate teacher salaries. With the institution of tuition fees, many of these problems could potentially be remedied. However, as Ulmanová stressed, “Money would have to be used specifically at the university the students are attending, so they can see the improvements for themselves.”
The students feel the same. In an interview with Radio Prague, protest organizer and Charles University student Matouš Turek expressed the general concerns of the students. He explained that the essence of the protests is not about the implementation of tuition fees, but the fight for the autonomous structure that the universities are built on.
“If you look at Czech politics, it’s all a matter of lobbyists and behind-the-scenes influence, and these proposals would just institute this into the university system,” Turek said. “The universities are one of the last places where lobbying and political influence haven’t yet entered.”
Turek went on to criticize the government for poorly constructing reform bills that have an immense impact on the future of Czech citizens. Numerous attempts to contact the ministry for a response went unanswered.
Meanwhile, with pressure mounting from all sides, Josef Dobeš resigned as Minister of Education on March 22. Students and faculty interpreted Mr. Dobeš’s farewell as a victorious acknowledgment of their protests, but were left wondering how his replacement would handle the hostile situation that Dobeš helped create.
On May 2, President Václav Klaus announced the appointment of Dr. Petr Fiala as new Education Minister. The 47-year old political scientist is a former rector of Brno’s Masaryk University, and the news met with positive responses in both political and academic circles.
According to Czech Position, Fiala said that his immediate aim was to “stabilize the sector and create an environment in which there would be mutual trust among all participants working for change that the education system will undergo at all levels.”
But with the Education Ministry also plagued by budget cuts and allegations of mismanagement of EU funds, the question remains: Where will Dr. Fiala begin?